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Thursday, December 8, 2011

President Obama Forced to Squabble Over Nonissues with Republican Candidates (ContributorNetwork)

COMMENTARY | I'll admit it, even though it's a little embarrassing nowadays. I used to be a Republican. And then I grew up. Here in the final year leading to election 2012, when the GOP could be bringing up real issues -- or at least getting out of Ron Paul's way -- Republicans are doing little more than pandering to emotions, as shown in a report from the Associated Press.

Rather than discussing real-world issues, most Republican candidates seem more upset because the president made the occasional honest critique of the U.S. I'm saddened by seeing so many of our government leaders more offended by honest commentary, than by the issues which would bring out such comments in the first place. I'm saddened even further when I consider that so many of my fellow countrymen are also quick to jump on the bandwagon of irrational hatred, rather than do their own critical analysis of what the media reports. Just follow the herd, right, folks? Moo.

Personally, I do feel America is the greatest nation on Earth. And the concept of personal freedom and individual liberty does make us somewhat unique in world history. If we wish to remain so, we need to be willing to learn from honest criticism, unless our goal is to simply be deluded. A nation reputed to be established on the basis of freedom and liberty should be willing to accept the harshest of honest criticism. We're not perfect. Am I a traitor for having said so?

Another topic which seems to stoking the emotional fires of patriotic Americans is the allegations of the president's knowledge of "Operation Fast and Furious," as covered on The Daily Caller. Were the evidence to show Obama had knowledge of such an operation, then sure, push with prosecution. But it doesn't.

A much more plausible scenario would be investigators need to focus on Stephen Holder. He is, after all the attorney general and therefore the country's top law enforcement officer. It seems specious to go after President Obama for a department he does not manage.

If the Republicans do want to win the White House in the 2012 election, they might want to go after real issues rather than relying on emotional buzzwords and pandering to religious superstition. If all the GOP is willing to offer is emotional and religious extremism then I'd just as well keep President Obama in office.


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Ron Paul 'Too Extreme' for Republican Jewish Coalition (ContributorNetwork)

When the Republican Jewish Coalition hosts its Republican Presidential Candidates' Forum in Washington on Wednesday, it will be without Texas Rep, Ron Paul. The coalition cited the congressman's "extreme views" as reason for his exclusion, according to the Huffington Post.

What is the Republican Jewish Coalition?

The coalition describes its mission as fostering and enhancing ties between Republican decision makers and the American Jewish community. It seeks to not only educate Republican Party leaders on the concerns of American Jews, particularly concerning the state of Israel, but also promulgate Republican ideas among the Jewish community. It also advocates for energy independence and smaller government. It boasts of 40 chapters across the country.

What is the Republican Presidential Candidates' Forum?

The forum will take place from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. EST at the Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center in Washington. It will feature speeches by Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Jon Huntsman, Rick Santorum, Mitt Romney, Rick Perry and Herman Cain. There will be a luncheon and a keynote speaker as well.

What is the beef the Republican Jewish Coalition has with Ron Paul?

Paul has made a number of positions that have proven off putting to people, particularly American Jews. Paul has downplayed the implications of Iran gaining a nuclear weapon to the point of drawing a moral equivalency between that prospect and Israel having nuclear weapons. He has advocated ending foreign aid to Israel and has criticized military aid to Israel. Paul has also suggested the U.S. was at fault for the 9/11 attacks and that if America should withdraw its forces from the Middle East, terrorist groups such as Al Qaida would leave it alone.

Commentary Magazine compared Paul's views on Israel in particular and foreign policy in general to those of the "America First" isolationists during the 1930s and 1940s who admired Nazi Germany and were deaf to the fate of American Jews. Paul is like those who restrained America's reaction to the Nazi Holocaust, in its view.

How have Paul's supporters reacted to the exclusion?

The Daily Paul, a pro-Paul website, suggests the exclusion is a plot to draw out an angry response from the candidate so it could be used against him. While maintaining Paul is really pro-Israel, the site accuses the Republican Jewish Coalition of playing the anti-Semitic card. The post expresses particular ire that Paul was compared to Barack Obama by the coalition, not exactly a compliment in Republican circles.

Texas resident Mark Whittington writes about state issues for the Yahoo! Contributor Network.


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Wednesday, December 7, 2011

Will the new Newt Gingrich have staying power? (Reuters)

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – During his quick ride to the top of voter surveys, Newt Gingrich has cast himself as the more conservative alternative to a flip-flopping Mitt Romney, the other leading Republican candidate for president.

But the rise of Gingrich, a former speaker of the House of Representatives, is drawing increased attention to the fact that his own views - on issues including healthcare, the environment and medical marijuana - haven't always been in line with those of most conservative Republicans.

The inconsistencies have raised questions about Gingrich's true beliefs, as well as his staying power as the conservative of the moment in the Republican campaign. They also have given his opponents a significant target for their criticisms.

Before running for president, Gingrich said the U.S. government should require people to buy health insurance or face penalties. Now Gingrich, who did not respond to requests to comment for this story, says that such a mandate is "unconstitutional."

Gingrich's stance on the environment also has taken a turn to the right. Before his campaign, he said the United States should step up its efforts to reduce greenhouse gases. In 2008, he appeared with Democrat Nancy Pelosi, who at the time was speaker of the House, in a TV ad to support a global-warming awareness campaign headed by former Vice President Al Gore.

Today, Gingrich has distanced himself from the idea that the government should try to help curb global warming. He has said the 2008 video with Pelosi was "probably the dumbest thing I've done in recent years."

'TERRIBLE IDEA'

Gingrich's position also has evolved on another provocative issue: whether the federal government should endorse the use of marijuana for medical purposes.

As a member of Congress in 1981, Gingrich co-sponsored a failed bill with liberal Massachusetts Democrat Barney Frank that was aimed at legalizing medical marijuana nationwide. Gingrich now says medical marijuana is a "terrible idea."

Taken together, Gingrich's policy switches have helped him attract the support of conservative Republicans who often dominate the party's nomination process. In national polls Gingrich now leads Romney, a former Massachusetts governor who is trying to win over conservatives who are skeptical of his own moves to the right on health care and other issues.

Romney and another Republican presidential candidate, Representative Ron Paul of Texas, are beginning to target Gingrich over his position changes. Romney is preparing an effort to brand Gingrich as a flip-flopper, and Paul released a Web ad on November 30 accusing Gingrich of "serial hypocrisy."

If such messages begin to resonate with Republican voters, Gingrich's efforts to get in line with conservative orthodoxy could wind up undermining his appeal to voters who are unsettled by Romney's policy shifts, a former Gingrich aide said.

"As more and more of these flip-flops come to light, it will tend to blur the problems that a lot of conservatives have with Romney," said Rich Galen, a Republican strategist who is staying neutral in the 2012 nominating contest.

Some analysts caution that although Gingrich's rebranding has served him well to this point, he could end up being a poor fit with the strain of conservatism that is dominant in the Republican Party today.

The party's conservative base is more interested in shrinking government than simply making it work more effectively, said Michael Tanner, a senior fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute. Improving government's efficiency has been a constant theme for Gingrich, 68, since his political career began in the 1970s.

"I don't understand how he's the conservative alternative now," Tanner said. "I can understand why people are looking for one, but if I was looking at that field I would say, 'Newt?' "

AN ACTIVE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

Many of the positions Gingrich is moving away from are recorded in a stream of books and policy papers he has issued since leaving Congress in 1999.

Gingrich's work has tackled goals such as protecting the environment and improving healthcare from a free-market perspective.

In a 2007 book, "A Contract with the Earth," Gingrich and co-author Terry Maple argue that businesses and local governments often are better positioned to respond to environmental problems than the federal government.

But the book also outlines an active role for the federal government, calling for expanded tax breaks for wind power and hybrid cars, new international efforts to reduce greenhouse gases, and a solar-research project on the scale of the World War II-era effort that yielded the atomic bomb.

"As we recognize the scientific evidence that the Earth is experiencing a warming trend over the past 100 years and that this trend may have serious consequences for the future, we favor reducing carbon loading in the atmosphere as a bold forward step and a positive public value," Gingrich and Maple wrote.

"To be a global leader, America will have to be proactive and persuasive on a massive scale," they write later in the book.

During a mild-mannered debate with Democratic Senator John Kerry in 2007, Gingrich said the United States should "move toward the most effective possible steps to reduce carbon loading of the atmosphere ... and do it urgently."

Gingrich also backed the idea of tax credits to reduce carbon emissions during an interview with The Washington Times on January 19, 2009.

Gingrich now says the government should not try to tackle global warming, a position that appears more reflective of Republican conservatives' push to limit government regulation.

"I don't think it should be a priority (for government) at all right now except for research," he said on November 16 on The Mark Levin Show, a conservative radio program. "We have no proof that justifies a large-scale government program that distorts the economy and centralizes power in bureaucrats."

Maple, his former collaborator, said Gingrich has not changed his environmental views but is not emphasizing them as he courts Republican primary voters. As president, Gingrich would make environmental protection a top priority, he said.

"You're going to see somebody who's going to change priorities and I'm going to be confident that the environment will be one of those priorities," said Maple, who said he talks with Gingrich regularly.

"He's going to go into this primary season with the priorities that the party is interested in right now," Maple added. "It's not him, it's everybody else. It's such a strongly united party against big government."

A NEW STANCE ON HEALTH CARE

Gingrich has also recalibrated his stance on healthcare.

As recently as May 15, Gingrich said he backed the idea of a universal mandate -- the idea that individuals must buy health insurance to keep the system solvent. That notion is a central element of President Barack Obama's healthcare overhaul that was enacted last year, and the Massachusetts healthcare law that Romney signed as the state's governor in 2006.

Gingrich backed an insurance mandate even as other Republicans pushed court challenges against Obama's national plan on the grounds that the insurance mandate is unconstitutional. The Supreme Court has agreed to review challenges to the law from 26 states next year.

"I've said consistently we ought to have some requirement that you either have health insurance or you post a bond or in some way you indicate you're going to be held accountable," Gingrich said on NBC's "Meet the Press" on May 15.

Gingrich renounced that position during a debate in June, and has since said that he backed an insurance mandate because it was put forward as a conservative alternative to then-First Lady Hillary Clinton's proposed healthcare reform in the 1990s.

Gingrich has contrasted his change of heart with Romney's continued support for the idea.

"I concluded I was wrong," Gingrich says on Fox News last month. "Why hasn't he concluded that he was wrong?"

Gingrich has similarly changed his mind on whether Congress should allow medical marijuana nationwide. Currently, 16 states and Washington, D.C., have laws allowing marijuana use for medicinal purposes.

"It is a drug," Gingrich said in 2009, in response to a question about whether Florida should join the states allowing medical marijuana. "It is currently illegal. It should remain illegal."

(Additional reporting by Sam Youngman; editing by David Lindsey and Cynthia Osterman)


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How Cain's Suspension Hurts Republicans (ContributorNetwork)

COMMENTARY | Herman Cain has announced he is suspending his presidential campaign and has introduced a new website to continue his ideas, according to ABC News. As a political/business consultant, I see this as an attempt to try to slowly build more support for a run in the future. I see this as more damaging to the Republicans than if he had stayed in the race.

I believe Cain leaving the presidential race is good for Republicans in the short term as they are able to divide their support between the candidates who have a better chance of beating President Barack Obama. I also can see whichever candidate Cain supports gaining stronger numbers in the polls moving forward. This will help to strengthen the Republican Party as it will move the GOP closer to having a single candidate.

At the same time, note how Cain stated his "suspension" of the campaign. He did not say he was withdrawing or quitting. When you add in the fact of his future endorsement of a candidate, it means he is definitely out for the 2012 election. It does not mean he is out forever. My guess is he is eyeing a 2016 or 2020 bid for the White House.

During the interim, he will continue to try to build up support through his website and appearances around the U.S. I can't shake the idea of how Sarah Palin already tried to draw media attention to herself as she considered a run in the 2012 election. Instead of becoming a respected media personality, she became more of a reality star who could not be taken care of seriously. If Cain becomes the next Palin, I see negative results for the Republicans.

Can the GOP afford to have Cain become a reality character like Palin did? In the long run, can the Republicans afford to have another failed candidate gain celebrity status and become a mockery of what the party stands for? By continuing to stay in the eyes of the media, Cain continues to allow the media to scrutinize him and drag his name and his family through the mud. Eventually, I can hear a pundit asking of Cain, "Is this character the best the Republicans have to offer?"


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Iowa Caucus Victory Doesn’t Necessarily Secure GOP Nomination (ContributorNetwork)

The Iowa caucus is one month away. Republican candidates for president will begin to discern how much voters approve of them Jan. 3, when Iowans choose their candidate for the GOP nominee. The Hill reports the GOP field is wide open. Newt Gingrich is moving up in the polls. Herman Cain is in crisis mode as he suspended his campaign amid allegations of an extramarital affair. Mitt Romney is trying to be victorious in Iowa where he hasn't been successful in the past.

Even if a surprise candidate wins the Iowa caucus, it's doesn't necessarily mean that person will be the Republican nominee. History isn't necessarily on the winning candidate's side.

* The Des Moines Register lists results of past caucuses. Republicans released numbers going back to 1980. A summary was only available for 1976.

* In the 1980 Iowa caucus, George Bush defeated Ronald Reagan by over 2,000 votes for the GOP choice. Reagan went on to win the Republican nomination and then the presidency with Bush as his running mate for vice president. Future candidate Bob Dole only got 1,576 votes at just 1.5 percent.

* Eight years later, Kansas Sen. Bob Dole received over 40,000 votes in the Iowa caucus on his way to a bid for the presidency. Bush came in third place with half as many votes yet he went on to win the 1988 general election over Michael Dukakis, according to the U.S. Election Atlas.

* The 1996 Iowa caucus actually got the GOP nominee correct. Dole received the overall nomination in a crowded field of nine candidates vying for votes in the "first in the nation" election. Dole won narrowly over Pat Buchanan by less than 3,000 votes.

* George W. Bush won the Iowa caucus in 2000 by a full 11 percentage points. Sen. John McCain came in fifth place with just over 4,000 votes.

* The New York Times reports the 2008 Iowa caucus was one of the more interesting in history. Former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee got over 40,000 votes while his closest competition received 29,949 votes. Romney, the current front runner, was the one who got second. McCain was the future nominee but voters wouldn't know it by his showing in Iowa. Then-Sen. Barack Obama's opponent came in a distant fourth place with just over 15,500 votes.

Even though Iowa is first in the nation when it comes to picking presidential nominees for elections, winning the Iowa caucus doesn't guarantee success nationally. Perhaps both Romney and Gingrich should realize that as they try to win the day on Jan. 3.

William Browning is a research librarian specializing in U.S. politics. Born in St. Louis, Browning is active in local politics and served as a campaign volunteer for President Barack Obama and Missouri Sen. Claire McCaskill.


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Bachmann: Former Cain backers moving her way (AP)

WASHINGTON – GOP presidential hopeful Michele Bachmann says many people who had supported Herman Cain in the race are getting behind her candidacy.

With Cain now out of the race, Bachmann says Republican voters see her as the tea party candidate and the "most consistent conservative" in the contest.

The Minnesota congresswoman tells CNN's "State of the Union" that Cain's supporters considered him as an outsider and that her conservative positions are most reflective of his.

Cain abandoned his White House bid on Saturday under the weight of sexual misconduct allegations.


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Republicans show rare discord over tax policy (Reuters)

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The Republican brand, built on a rock-solid "no new tax" pledge to voters, is showing a few cracks as internal party divisions erupt in the face of rapidly escalating U.S. government debt.

Republicans have hopes of capturing control of the White House and both chambers of Congress in November 2012 elections, and tax policy looms as a central issue.

But in these early days of the campaign, Republicans have been debating an unlikely opponent: themselves.

The most immediate battle finds rank-and-file members fighting over whether to follow party leaders and back an extension of President Barack Obama's payroll tax cut, which would put more money in the pockets of millions of Americans.

But the internal debate affects tax policies far larger than the payroll tax cut.

"There is kind of a revisitation by the party in terms of where they are on tax policy," said Dean Zerbe, a former tax counsel for Republicans on the Senate Finance Committee and now managing director of alliantgroup, a tax consulting firm.

BEYOND THE PAYROLL TAX ISSUE

Republicans are pushing for a major overhaul of U.S. tax law, which is riddled with loopholes and special interest breaks. The last such review was done in 1986 by then-President Ronald Reagan, an idol to conservatives.

They argue a streamlined tax code would help boost the economy and create jobs. But with U.S. debt now topping $15 trillion, some are starting to entertain an idea they vehemently rejected in the past: devoting some of the revenue generated by closing loopholes to deficit reduction and not just lowering income tax rates.

"There is a debate internally about what the appropriate level of tax burden is," said Alex Brill, an American Enterprise Institute tax expert and former chief economist for the House of Representatives Ways and Means Committee.

For years, Republicans have bristled at any notion that tax cuts needed to be offset by revenue increases elsewhere in the code. Lower taxes, they argued, would generate enough economic growth to pay for themselves.

Lately there are doubts. The huge debt has led to a fundamental change in thinking, said conservative Republican Senator Saxby Chambliss.

"As to whether or not we're going to have to pay for any tax cuts, I think we're going to have to pay for everything," Chambliss told Reuters. "These are very difficult times. If you don't pay for it, you're adding to the deficit."

'YOU'RE ON YOUR OWN, KID'

During deficit-reduction negotiations in November, which ultimately failed in a "super committee" of Congress, Senator Patrick Toomey opened the door to Republicans accepting new revenue for deficit reduction. He floated a plan to limit certain special interest tax breaks in return for lowering the top tax rate to 28 percent from 35 percent.

Democrats rejected it saying it would raise too little revenue from taxes and provide a net tax cut for the rich while raising taxes for the middle class. And for other reasons, so did many Republicans including Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform, a group that advocates a single low, national income tax. ATR asks candidates for office to sign a pledge to "oppose and vote against tax increases."

Norquist has been a powerful force within the Republican Party in recent years, and almost all congressional Republicans have signed the so-called "Taxpayer Protection Pledge." Some now seem willing to take a step back, at their peril.

"The people who brought it up, all they did was open the door to thinking about tax increases," Norquist said during a Reuters Insider TV interview last month of ideas such as Toomey's. "The good news is the rest of the Republican Party said, 'you're on your own, kid.'"

Recent polls show public backing for tax increases to bring down the deficit - if they are twinned with spending cuts. But supporting higher taxes of any kind is dangerous for Republican lawmakers, who could draw primary challenges in 2012 from Tea Party movement conservatives.

Many conservatives argue that President George H.W. Bush lost his re-election bid in 1992 because he broke his "no new taxes" campaign pledge.

One lawmaker's expendable tax perk is another's essential service, as Republican House Speaker John Boehner was reminded in November when he proposed ending a corporate jet tax break as part of deficit reduction package.

"I mentioned to the Speaker: 'quit picking on us. In Wichita (Kansas) we've come through a rough time,'" veteran Senator Pat Roberts told Reuters. The Kansan was referring to aircraft makers in his home state that could feel the impact of ending the jet tax break, which would save an estimated $3 billion over 10 years -- a relatively small savings given deficits of around $1 trillion a year.

Obama appears to have seized a political advantage with his demands for a balanced approach to deficit reduction that includes spending cuts as well as tax increases.

After years of Republicans painting Democrats as wanting to tax and spend the country into bankruptcy, the president has turned the tables somewhat with polls showing support for his call to increase taxes on the very rich to help shrink the debt.

As Obama pushes to extend a temporary payroll tax cut for wage earners, Republicans find themselves in the awkward position of debating whether to block a tax cut.

Many Republicans argue that the payroll tax cut has done little to stimulate the economy and over the long-term could weaken the Social Security retirement fund that the tax supports. But Republican leaders - fearing the party will be accused of protecting tax cuts for the rich, but not workers - said they will push for the extension as long as the cost is covered by spending cuts.

Not all Republicans are happy with that decision, arguing another one-year extension will do nothing for long-term U.S. economic growth.

"I just think they're wrong," Republican Representative Jeff Flake said of his own leaders in the House and their drive to extend the payroll tax cut.

(Editing by Vicki Allen)


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Why Don't They Like Mitt Romney? (Time.com)

The natural born killers waited until the parents were asleep upstairs before heading down to the basement to put on their show. The first videotape is almost unbearable to watch.

Dylan Klebold sits in the tan La-Z-Boy, chewing on a toothpick. Eric Harris adjusts his video camera a few feet away, then settles into his chair with a bottle of Jack Daniels and a sawed-off shotgun in his lap. He calls it Arlene, after a favorite character in the gory Doom video games and books that he likes so much. He takes a small swig. The whiskey stings, but he tries to hide it, like a small child playing grownup. These videos, they predict, will be shown all around the world one day -- once they have produced their masterpiece and everyone wants to know how, and why. (See TIME's photoessay "Columbine 10 Years Later: The Evidence")

Above all, they want to be seen as originals. "Do not think we're trying to copy anyone," Harris warns, recalling the school shootings in Oregon and Kentucky. They had the idea long ago, "before the first one ever happened."

And their plan is better, "not like those f____s in Kentucky with camouflage and .22s. Those kids were only trying to be accepted by others."

Harris and Klebold have an inventory of their ecumenical hatred: all "niggers, spics, Jews, gays, f___ing whites," the enemies who abused them and the friends who didn't do enough to defend them. But it will all be over soon. "I hope we kill 250 of you," Klebold says. He thinks it will be the most "nerve-racking 15 minutes of my life, after the bombs are set and we're waiting to charge through the school. Seconds will be like hours. I can't wait. I'll be shaking like a leaf." (See pictures of America's Gun Culture.)

"It's going to be like f___ing Doom," Harris says. "Tick, tick, tick, tick... Haa! That f___ing shotgun is straight out of Doom!"

How easy it has been to fool everyone, as they staged their dress rehearsals, gathered their props -- the shotguns in their gym bags, the pipe bombs in the closet. Klebold recounts for the camera the time his parents walked in on him when he was trying on his black leather trench coat, with his sawed-off shotgun hidden underneath: "They didn't even know it was there." Once, Harris recalls, his mother saw him carrying a gym bags with a gun handle sticking out of the zipper. She assumed it was his BB gun. Every day Klebold and Harris went to school, sat in class, had lunch with their schoolmates, worked with their teachers and plotted their slaughter. People fell for every lie. "I could convince them that I'm going to climb Mount Everest, or I have a twin brother growing out of my back," says Harris. "I can make you believe anything."

Even when it is over, they promise, it will not be over. In memory and nightmares, they hope to live forever. "We're going to kick-start a revolution," Harris says -- a revolution of the dispossessed. They talk about being ghosts who will haunt the survivors -- "create flashbacks from what we do," Harris promises, "and drive them insane."

It is getting late now. Harris looks at his watch. He says the time is 1:28 a.m. March 15. Klebold says people will note the date and time when watching it. And he knows what his parents will be thinking. "If only we could have reached them sooner or found this tape," he predicts they will say. "If only we would have searched their room," says Harris. "If only we would have asked the right questions."

Since then, we've never stopped asking, of course, in our aching effort to get back on our feet, slowly, carefully, only to be pushed back down again. And what if the answers turn out to be different from what we've heard all along? A six-week TIME investigation of the Columbine case tracked the efforts of the police and FBI, who are still sorting through some 10,000 pieces of evidence, 5,000 leads, the boys' journals and websites and the five secret home videos they made in the weeks before the massacre. Within the next few weeks, the investigators are expected to issue their report, and their findings are bound to surprise a town, and a country, that has heard all about the culture of cruelty, the bullying jocks, and has concluded that two ugly, angry boys just snapped, and fired back.

It turns out there is much more to the story than that.

Why, if their motive was rage at the athletes who taunted them, didn't they take their guns and bombs to the locker room? Because retaliation against specific people was not the point. Because this may have been about celebrity as much as cruelty. "They wanted to be famous," concludes FBI agent Mark Holstlaw. "And they are. They're infamous." It used to be said that living well is the best revenge; for these two, it was to kill and die in spectacular fashion.

This is not to say the humiliation Harris and Klebold felt was not a cause. Because they were steeped in violence and drained of mercy, they could accomplish everything at once: payback to those who hurt them, and glory, the creation of a cult, for all those who have suffered and been cast out. They wanted movies made of their story, which they had carefully laced with "a lot of foreshadowing and dramatic irony," as Harris put it. There was that poem he wrote, imagining himself as a bullet. "Directors will be fighting over this story," Klebold said -- and the boys chewed over which could be trusted with the script: Steven Spielberg or Quentin Tarantino. "You have two individuals who wanted to immortalize themselves," says Holstlaw. "They wanted to be martyrs and to document everything they were doing."

These boys had read their Shakespeare: "Good wombs hath borne bad sons," Harris quoted from The Tempest, as he reflected on how his rampage would ruin his parents' lives. The boys knew that once they staged their final act, the audience would be desperate for meaning. And so they provided their own poisonous chorus, about why they hated so many people so much. In the weeks before what they called their Judgment Day, they sat in their basement and made their haunting videos -- detailing their plans, their motives, even their regrets -- which Harris left in his bedroom for the police and his parents to find when it was all over.

The dilemma for many families at Columbine is ours as well. For months they have searched for answers. "It's not going to bring anything or anybody back," says Mike Kirklin, whose son survived a shot in the face. "But we do need to know. Why did they do this?" Still, the last thing the survivors want is to see these boys on the cover of another magazine, back in the headlines, on the evening news. We need to understand them, but we don't want to look at them. And yet there is no escaping this story. Last week another child shot up another school, this time an Oklahoma junior high where four were injured, and all the questions came gushing out one more time.

At Columbine, some wounds are slow to heal. The old library is walled off, while the victims' families try to raise the money to replace it by building a new one. The students still have trouble with fire drills. Some report that kids are drinking more heavily now, saying more prayers, seeing more counselors -- 550 visits so far this year. Two dozen students are homebound, unable, whether physically or emotionally, to come back to class yet. Tour-bus groups have changed their routes to stop at the high school, and stare.

Some people have found a way to forgive: even parents who lost their beloved children; even kids who won't ever walk again, or speak clearly, or grow old together with a sister who died on the school lawn. But other survivors are still on a journey, through dark places of anger and suspicion, aimed at a government they fear wants to cover up the misjudgments of police; at a school that wants to shift blame; at the killers' parents, who have stated their regrets in written statements issued through their lawyers but who still aren't saying much and who surely, surely had to know something.

It's easy now to see the signs: how a video-game joystick turned Harris into a better marksman, like a golfer who watches Tiger Woods videos; how he decided to stop taking his Luvox, to let his anger flare, undiluted by medication. How Klebold's violent essays for English class were like skywriting his intent. If only the parents had looked in the middle drawer of Harris' desk, they would have found the four windup clocks that he later used as timing devices. Check the duffel bag in the closet; the pipe bombs are inside. In his CD collection, they would have found a recording that meant so much to him that he willed it to a girl in his last videotaped suicide message. The name of the album? Bombthreat Before She Blows.

The problem is that until April 20, nobody was looking. And Harris and Klebold knew it.

THE BASEMENT TAPES

The tapes were meant to be their final word, to all those who had picked on them over the years, and to everyone who would come up with a theory about their inner demons. It is clear listening to them that Harris and Klebold were not just having trouble with what their counselors called "anger management." They fed the anger, fueled it, so the fury could take hold, because they knew they would need it to do what they had set out to do. "More rage. More rage," Harris says. "Keep building it on," he says, motioning with his hands for emphasis.

Harris recalls how he moved around so much with his military family and always had to start over, "at the bottom of the ladder." People continually made fun of him -- "my face, my hair, my shirts." As for Klebold, "If you could see all the anger I've stored over the past four f___ing years..." he says. His brother Byron was popular and athletic and constantly "ripped" on him, as did the brother's friends. Except for his parents, Klebold says, his extended family treated him like the runt of the litter. "You made me what I am," he said. "You added to the rage." As far back as the Foothills Day Care center, he hated the "stuck-up" kids he felt hated him. "Being shy didn't help," he admits. "I'm going to kill you all. You've been giving us s___ for years."

Klebold and Harris were completely soaked in violence: in movies like Reservoir Dogs; in gory video games that they tailored to their imaginations. Harris liked to call himself "Reb," short for rebel. Klebold's nickname was VoDKa (his favorite liquor, with the capital DK for his initials). On pipe bombs used in the massacre he wrote "VoDKa Vengeance."

That they were aiming for 250 dead shows that their motives went far beyond targeting the people who teased them. They planned it very carefully: when they would strike, where they would put the bombs, whether the fire sprinklers would snuff out their fuses. They could hardly wait. Harris picks up the shotgun and makes shooting noises. "Isn't it fun to get the respect that we're going to deserve?" he asks.

The tapes are a cloudy window on their moral order. They defend the friends who bought the guns for them, who Harris and Klebold say knew nothing of their intentions -- as though they are concerned that innocent people not be blamed for their massacre of innocent people. If they hadn't got the guns where they did, Harris says, "we would have found something else."

They had many chances to turn back -- and many chances to get caught. They "came close" one day, when an employee of Green Mountain Guns called Harris' house and his father answered the phone. "Hey, your clips are in," the clerk said. His father replied that he hadn't ordered any clips and, as Harris retells it, didn't ask whether the clerk had dialed the right number. If either one had asked just one question, says Harris, "we would've been f___ed."

"We wouldn't be able to do what we're going to do," Klebold adds.

THE WARNING SIGNS

You could fill a good-size room with the people whose lives have been twisted into ropes of guilt by the events leading up to that awful day, and by the day itself. The teachers who read the essays but didn't hear the warnings, the cops who were tipped to Harris' poisonous website but didn't act on it, the judge and youth-services counselor who put the boys through a year of community service after they broke into a van and then concluded that they had been rehabilitated. Because so many people are being blamed and threatened with lawsuits, there are all kinds of public explanations designed to diffuse and defend. But there are private conversations going on as well, within the families, among the cops, in the teachers' lounge, where people are asking themselves what they could have done differently. Neil Gardner, the deputy assigned to the school who traded gunfire with Harris, says he wishes he could have done more. But with the criticism, he has learned, "you're not a hero unless you die."

Nearly everyone who ever knew Harris or Klebold has asked himself the same question: How could we have been duped? Yet the boys were not loners; they had a circle of friends. Harris played soccer (until the fall of 1998), and Klebold was in the drama club. Just the week before the rampage, the boys had to write a poem for an English class. Harris wrote about stopping the hate and loving the world. Klebold went to the prom the weekend before the slaughter; Harris couldn't get a date but joined him at the postprom parties, to celebrate with students they were planning to kill.

To adults, Klebold had always come across as the bashful, nervous type who could not lie very well. Yet he managed to keep his dark side a secret. "People have no clue," Klebold says on one videotape. But they should have had. And this is one of the most painful parts of the puzzle, to look back and see the flashing red lights -- especially regarding Harris -- that no one paid attention to. No one except, perhaps, the Brown family.

Brooks Brown became notorious after the massacre because certain police officers let slip rumors that he might have somehow been involved. And indeed he was -- but not in the way the police were suggesting. Brown and Harris had had an argument back in 1998, and Harris had threatened Brown; Klebold also told him that he should read Harris' website on AOL, and he gave Brooks the Web address.

And there it all was: the dimensions and nicknames of his pipe bombs. The targets of his wrath. The meaning of his life. "I'm coming for EVERYONE soon and I WILL be armed to the f___ing teeth and I WILL shoot to kill." He rails against the people of Denver, "with their rich snobby attitude thinkin they are all high and mighty... God, I can't wait til I can kill you people. Feel no remorse, no sense of shame. I don't care if I live or die in the shoot-out. All I want to do is kill and injure as many of you as I can, especially a few people. Like Brooks Brown."

The Browns didn't know what to do. "We were talking about our son's life," says Judy Brown. She and her husband argued heatedly. Randy Brown wanted to call Harris' father. But Judy didn't think the father would do anything; he hadn't disciplined his son for throwing an ice ball at the Browns' car. Randy considered anonymously faxing printouts from the website to Harris' father at work, but Judy thought it might only provoke Harris to violence.

Though she had been friends with Susan Klebold for years, Judy hesitated to call and tell her what was said on the website, which included details of Eric and Dylan's making bombs together. In the end, the Browns decided to call the sheriff's office. On the night of March 18, a deputy came to their house. They gave him printouts of the website, and he wrote a report for what he labeled a "suspicious incident." The Browns provided names and addresses for both Harris and Klebold, but they say they told the deputy that they did not want Harris to know their son had reported him.

A week or so later, Judy called the sheriff's office to find out what had become of their complaint. The detective she spoke with seemed uninterested; he even apologized for being so callous because he had seen so much crime. Mrs. Brown persisted, and she and her husband met with detectives on March 31. Members of the bomb squad helpfully showed them what a pipe bomb looked like -- in case one turned up in their mailbox.

The police already had a file on the boys, it turns out: they had been caught breaking into a van and were about to be sentenced. But somehow the new complaint never intersected the first; the Harrises and Klebolds were never told that a new complaint had been leveled at Eric Harris. And as weeks passed, the Browns found it harder to get their calls returned as detectives focused on an unrelated triple homicide. Meanwhile, at the school, Deputy Gardner told the two deans that the police were investigating a boy who was looking up how to make pipe bombs on the Web. But the deans weren't shown the Web page, nor were they given Eric's name.

As more time passed and nothing happened, the Browns' fears eased -- though they were troubled when their son started hanging out with Harris again. Then came April 20. As the gunmen entered the school, Harris saw Brown and told him to run away. But when all the smoke had cleared and the bodies counted, the Browns went public with their charge that the police had failed to heed their warnings. And even some cops agree.

"It should have been followed up," says Sheriff Stone, who did not take office until January 1999. "It fell through the cracks," admits John Kiekbusch, the sheriff's division chief in charge of investigations and patrol.

Some people still think Brooks Brown must have been involved. When he goes to the Dairy Queen, the kid at the drive-through recognizes him and locks all the doors and windows. Brown knows it is almost impossible to convince people that the rumors were never true. Like many kids, his life now has its markers: before Columbine and after.

THE INVESTIGATORS

Detective Kate Battan still sees it in her sleep -- still sees what she saw that first day in April, when she was chosen to lead the task force that would investigate the massacre. Bullet holes in the banks of blue lockers. Ceiling tiles ajar where kids had scampered to hide in the crawl space. Shoes left behind by kids who literally ran out of them. Dead bodies in the library, where students cowered beneath tables. One boy died clenching his eyeglasses, and another gripped a pencil as he drew his last breath. Was he writing a goodbye note? Or was he so scared that he forgot he held it? "It was like you walked in and time stopped," says Battan. "These are kids. You can't help but think about what their last few minutes were like."

Long after the bodies had been identified, Battan kept the Polaroids of them in her briefcase. Every morning when starting work, she'd look at them to remind herself whom she was working for.

On the Columbine task force, Battan was known as the Whip. As the lead investigator, she kept 80-plus detectives on track. The task force broke into teams: the pre-bomb team, which took the outside of the school; the library team; the cafeteria team; and the associates team, which investigated Harris' and Klebold's friends, including the so-called Trench Coat Mafia, as possible accomplices.

Rich Price is an FBI special agent assigned to the domestic terrorism squad in Denver, a veteran of Oklahoma City and the Olympic Park bombing in Atlanta. He was in the North Carolina mountains searching for suspected bomber Eric Rudolph on April 20 when he heard about the rampage at Columbine. In TV news footage that afternoon, he saw his Denver-based colleagues on the scene and called his office. He was told to return to Denver ASAP -- suddenly two teenage boys had become the target of a domestic-terrorism probe.

Price became head of the cafeteria team, re-creating the morning that hell broke loose. The investigators have talked to the survivors, the teachers, the school authorities; they have reviewed the videotapes from four security cameras placed in the cafeteria, as well as the videos the killers made. And they have walked the school, step by step, trying to re-create 46 minutes that left behind 15 dead bodies and a thousand questions.

Battan is very clear about her responsibilities. "I work for the victims. When they don't have any more questions, then I feel I've done my job."

It quickly became obvious to the investigators that the assault did not go as the killers had planned. They had wanted to bomb first, then shoot. So they planted three sets of bombs: one set a few miles away, timed to go off first and lure police away from the school; a second set in the cafeteria, to flush terrified students out into the parking lot, where Harris and Klebold would be waiting with their guns to mow them down; and then a third set in their cars, timed to go off once the ambulances and rescue workers descended, to kill them as well. What actually happened instead was mainly an improvisation.

Just before 11 a.m. they hauled two duffel bags containing propane-tank bombs into the cafeteria. Then they returned to their cars, strapped on their weapons and ammunition, pulled on their black trench coats and settled in to wait.

Judgment Day, as they called it, was to begin at 11:17 a.m. But the bombs didn't go off. After two minutes, they walked toward the school and opened fire, shooting randomly and killing the first two of their 13 victims. And then they headed into the building.

Deputy Gardner was eating his lunch in his patrol car when a janitor called on the radio, saying a girl was down in the parking lot. Gardner drove toward her, heard gunshots and dived behind a Chevy Blazer, trading shots with Harris. "I've got to kill this kid," he kept telling himself. But he was terrified of shooting someone else by accident -- and his training instructions directed that he concentrate on guarding the perimeter, so no one could escape.

Patti Nielson, a teacher, had seen Harris and Klebold coming and ran a few steps ahead of them into the library. One kid was doing his math homework on a calculator; another was filling out a college application; another was reading an article in PEOPLE about Brooke Shields' breakup with Andre Agassi. "Get down!" Nielson screamed. She dialed 911 and dropped the phone when the two gunmen came in. And so the police have a tape of everything that happened next.

The 911 dispatcher listening on the open phone line could hear Harris and Klebold laughing as their victims screamed. When Harris found Cassie Bernall, he leaned down. "Peekaboo," he said, and killed her. His shotgun kicked, stunning him and breaking his nose. Blood streamed down his face as he turned to see Brea Pasquale sitting on the floor because she couldn't fit under a table. "Do you want to die today?" he asked her. "No," she quivered. Just then Klebold called to him, which spared her life.

Why hadn't anyone stopped them yet? It was now 11:29; because of the open line, the 911 dispatcher knew for certain -- for seven long minutes -- that the gunmen were there in the library and were shooting fellow students. At that early stage, though, only about a dozen cops had arrived on the scene, and none of them had protective gear or heavy weapons. They could have charged in with their handguns, but their training, and orders from their commanders, told them to "secure the perimeter" so the shooters couldn't escape and couldn't pursue the students who had fled. And by the time the trained SWAT units were pulling in, the killers were on the move again.

Leaving the library, Harris and Klebold walked down a flight of stairs to the cafeteria. It was empty, except for 450 book bags and the four students who hid beneath tables. All the killing and the yelling upstairs had made the shooters thirsty. Surveillance cameras recorded them as they drank from cups that fleeing kids had left on tables. Then they went back to work. They were frustrated that the bombs they had left, inside and outside, had not exploded, and they watched out the windows as the police and ambulances and SWAT teams descended on the school.

Most people watching the live television coverage that day saw them too, the nearly 800 police officers who would eventually mass outside the high school. The TV audience saw SWAT-team members who stood for hours outside, while, as far as everyone knew at the time, the gunmen were holding kids hostage inside. For the parents whose children were still trapped, there was no excuse for the wait. "When 500 officers go to a battle zone and not one comes away with a scratch, then something's wrong," charges Dale Todd, whose son Evan was wounded inside the school. "I expected dead officers, crippled officers, disfigured officers -- not just children and teachers."

This criticism is "like a punch in the gut," says sheriff's captain Terry Manwaring, who was the SWAT commander that day. "We were prepared to die for those kids."

So why the delay in attacking the gunmen? Chaos played a big part. From the moment of the first report of gunshots at Columbine, SWAT-team members raced in from every direction, some without their equipment, some in jeans and T shirts, just trying to get there quickly. They had only two Plexiglas ballistic shields among them. As Manwaring dressed in his bulletproof gear, he says, he asked several kids to draw on notebook paper whatever they could remember of the layout of the sprawling, 250,000-sq.-ft. school. But the kids were so upset that they were not even sure which way was north.

Through most of the 46 minutes that Harris and Klebold were shooting up the school, police say they couldn't tell where the gunmen were, or how many of them there were. Students and teachers trapped in various parts of the school were flooding 911 dispatchers with calls reporting that the shooters were, simultaneously, inside the cafeteria, the library and the front office. They might have simply followed the sounds of gunfire -- except, police say, fire alarms were ringing so loudly that they couldn't hear a gunshot 20 feet away.

So the officers treated the problem as a hostage situation, moving into the school through entrances far from the one where Harris and Klebold entered. The units painstakingly searched each hallway and closet and classroom and crawl space for gunmen, bombs and booby traps. "Every time we came around a corner," says Sergeant Allen Simmons, who led the first four SWAT officers inside, "we didn't know what was waiting for us." They created safe corridors to evacuate the students they found hiding in classrooms. And they moved very slowly and cautiously.

Evan Todd, 16, tells a different story. Wounded in the library, he waited until the killers moved on, and then he fled outside to safety. Evan, who is familiar with guns, says he immediately briefed a dozen police officers. "I described it all to them -- the guns they were using, the ammo. I told them they could save lives [of the wounded still in the library if they moved in right away]. They told me to calm down and take my frustrations elsewhere."

At about noon Harris and Klebold returned to the library. All but two wounded kids and four teachers had managed to get out while they were gone. The gunmen fired a few more rounds out the window at cops and medics below. Then Klebold placed one final Molotov cocktail, made from a Frappuccino bottle, on a table. As it sizzled and smoked, Harris shot himself, falling to the floor. When Klebold fired seconds later, his Boston Red Sox cap landed on Harris' leg. They were dead by 12:05 p.m., when the sprinkler turned on, extinguishing what was supposed to be their last bomb.

But the police didn't know any of this. They were still searching, slowly, along corridors and in classrooms. They found two janitors hiding in the meat freezer. Students and teachers had barricaded themselves and refused to open doors, worried that the shooters might be posing as cops.

Upstairs in a science classroom, student Kevin Starkey called 911. Teacher Dave Sanders had been shot running in the upstairs hallway, trying to warn people; he was bleeding badly and needed help fast. But by this time the 911 lines were so flooded with calls that the phone company started disconnecting people -- including Starkey. Finally the 911 dispatcher used his personal cell phone and kept a line open to the classroom so he could help guide police there.

Listening to another dispatcher in his earpiece, Sergeant Barry Williams, who was leading a second SWAT team inside, tried to track Sanders down -- but he says no one could tell him where the science rooms were. Still, he and his team searched on, looking for a rag that kids said they had tied on the doorknob as a signal.

The team finally found Sanders in a room with 50 or 60 kids. A paramedic went to work, trying to stop the bleeding and get him out to an ambulance. But it had all taken too long. Though Harris and Klebold had killed themselves three hours earlier, the SWAT team hadn't reached Sanders until close to 3 p.m.

Sanders' daughter Angela often talks to the students who tried to save her dad. "How many of those kids could have lived if they had moved more quickly?" she asks. "This is what I do every day. I sit and ponder, 'What if?'"

The SWAT team members wonder too. By the time they got to the library, they found that the assault on the school was all over. Scattered around the library was "a sea of bombs" that had not exploded. Trying not to kick anything, the SWAT team members looked for survivors. And then they found the killers, already dead. "We'll never know why they stopped when they did," says Battan.

Given how long the cops took and how much ammunition the killers had, the death toll could have been far worse. But some parents still think it didn't need to have been as high as it was. They pressed Colorado Governor Bill Owens, who has appointed a commission to review Columbine and possibly update SWAT tactics for assailants who are moving and shooting. "There may be times when you just walk through until you find the killers," Owens says. "This is the first time this has happened." The local lawmen "didn't know what they were dealing with."

THE PARENTS

Before the SWAT teams ever found the gunmen's bodies, investigators had already left to search the boys' homes: the kids who had managed to flee had told them whom they should be hunting.

When they knocked on each family's door, it was Mr. Harris and Mr. Klebold who answered. By then, news of the assault at Columbine was playing out live on TV. Mr. Harris' first reflex was to call his wife and tell her to come home. And he called his lawyer.

The Klebolds had not been told that their son was definitely involved. They knew his car had been found in the parking lot. They knew witnesses had identified him as a gunman. They knew he was friends with Harris. And they knew he still had not come home, though it was getting late. Mr. Klebold said they had to face the facts. But neither he nor his wife was ready to accept the ugly truth, and they couldn't believe it was happening. "This is real," Mr. Klebold kept saying, as if he had to convince himself. "He's involved."

Within 10 days, the Klebolds sat down with investigators and began to answer their questions. It would be months before the same interviews would take place with the Harrises, who were seeking immunity from prosecution. District Attorney David Thomas says he has not ruled out charges. But at this point, he lacks sufficient evidence of any wrongdoing. And he is not sure whether charging the parents would do any good. "Could I really do anything to punish them anymore?"

Sheriff Stone questioned the Harrises himself. "You want to go after them. How could they not know?" says Stone. "Then you realize they are no different from the rest of us."

Still, of all the unresolved issues about who knew what, the most serious involves Mr. Harris. Investigators have heard from former Columbine student Nathan Dykeman that Mr. Harris may once have found a pipe bomb. Nathan claims Eric Harris told him that his dad took him out and they detonated it together. Nathan is a problematic witness, partly because he accepted money from tabloids after the massacre. His story also amounts to hearsay because it is based on something Harris supposedly said. Investigators have not been able to ask Mr. Harris about it either; the Harrises' lawyer put that kind of question off limits as a condition for their sitting down with investigators at all.

As for the Klebolds, Kate Battan and her sergeant, Randy West, were convinced after their interviews that the parents were fooled liked everyone else. "They were not absentee parents. They're normal people who seem to care for their children and were involved in their life," says Battan. They too have suffered a terrible loss, both of a child and of their trust in their instincts. On what would have been Klebold's 18th birthday recently, Susan Klebold baked him a cake. "They don't have victims' advocates to help them through this," Battan says. They do, however, have a band of devoted friends, and see one or more of them almost every day. In private, the Klebolds try to recall every interaction they had with the son they now realize they never knew: the talks, the car rides, the times they grounded him for something minor. "She wants to know all of it," a friend says of Mrs. Klebold.

Many of the victims' parents wish they could talk to the Klebolds and Harrises, parent to parent. Donna Taylor is caring for her son Mark, 16, who took six 9-mm rounds and spent 39 days in the hospital. She has tried to make contact. "We just want to know," she explains. "From Day One, I wanted to meet and talk with them. I mean, maybe they did watch their boys, and we're not hearing their story."

Throughout the videotapes, it seems as though the only people about whom the killers felt remorse were their parents. "It f___ing sucks to do this to them," Harris says of his parents. "They're going to be put through hell once we do this." And then he speaks directly to them. "There's nothing you guys could've done to prevent this," he says.

Klebold tells his mom and dad they have been "great parents" who taught him "self-awareness, self-reliance...I always appreciated that." He adds, "I'm sorry I have so much rage."

At one point Harris gets very quiet. His parents have probably noticed that he's become distant, withdrawn lately -- but it's been for their own good. "I don't want to spend any more time with them," he says. "I wish they were out of town so I didn't have to look at them and bond more."

Over the months, the police have kept the school apprised of the progress of their investigation: principal Frank DeAngelis has not seen the videotapes, but the evidence that the boys were motivated by many things has prompted some at the school to quietly claim vindication. The charge was that Columbine's social climate was somehow so rancid, the abuse by the school's athletes so relentless, that it drove these boys to murder. The police investigation provides the school with its best defense. "There is nowhere in any of the sheriff's or school's investigation of what happened that shows this was caused by jock culture," says county school spokesman Rick Kaufman. "Both Harris and Klebold dished out as much ribbing as they received. They wanted to become cult heroes. They wanted to make a statement."

That's an overstatement, and it begs the question of why the boys wanted to make such an obscene statement. But many students and faculty were horrified by the way their school was portrayed after the massacre and have tried for the past eight months to correct the record. "I have asked students on occasion," says DeAngelis, "'The things you've read in the paper -- is that happening? Am I just naive?' And they've said, 'Mr. DeAngelis, we don't see it.'"

Maybe they saw the kids who flicked the ketchup packets or tossed the bottles at the trench-coat kids in the cafeteria. But things never got out of hand, they say. Evan Todd, the 255-lb. defensive lineman who was wounded in the library, describes the climate this way: "Columbine is a clean, good place except for those rejects," Todd says of Klebold and Harris and their friends. "Most kids didn't want them there. They were into witchcraft. They were into voodoo dolls. Sure, we teased them. But what do you expect with kids who come to school with weird hairdos and horns on their hats? It's not just jocks; the whole school's disgusted with them. They're a bunch of homos, grabbing each other's private parts. If you want to get rid of someone, usually you tease 'em. So the whole school would call them homos, and when they did something sick, we'd tell them, 'You're sick and that's wrong.'"

Others agree that the whole social-cruelty angle was overblown -- just like the notion that the Trench Coat Mafia was some kind of gang, which it never was. Steven Meier, an English teacher and adviser to the school newspaper, says, "I think these kids wanted to do something that they could be famous for. Other people tend to wait until they graduate and try to make their mark in the working world and try to be famous in a positive way. I think these kids had a dismal view of life and of their own mortality. To just focus on the bullying aspect is just to focus on one small piece of the entire picture." Meier points out that Harris' brother, from all accounts, is a great kid. "Why would a family have one good son and one bad son?" asks Meier. "Why is it that some people turn out to be rotten?"

The killers made their last videotape on the morning of the massacre. This is the only tape the Klebolds have seen; the Harrises have seen none of them. First Harris holds the camera while Klebold speaks. As the camera zooms in tight, Klebold is wearing a Boston Red Sox cap, turned backward. "It's a half-hour before our Judgment Day," Klebold says into the camera. He wants to tell his parents goodbye. "I didn't like life very much," he says. "Just know I'm going to a better place than here," he says.

He takes the camera from Harris, who begins his quick goodbye. "I know my mom and dad will be in shock and disbelief," he says. "I can't help it."

Klebold interrupts. "It's what we had to do," he says. Then they list some favorite CDs and other belongings that they want to will to certain friends. Klebold snaps his fingers for Harris to hurry up. Time's running out.

"That's it," concludes Harris, very succinctly. "Sorry. Goodbye."

-- With reporting by Andrew Goldstein, Maureen Harrington and Richard Woodbury/Littleton

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Tuesday, December 6, 2011

McCain: Hispanic vote 'up for grabs' (AP)

WASHINGTON – Sen. John McCain said Sunday that the potentially powerful Hispanic vote in the upcoming presidential election remains "up for grabs" because neither President Barack Obama nor Republicans have convinced these voters that they are on their side.

The one-time GOP presidential hopeful, whose own 2008 candidacy was shaped in part by immigration, said that large Hispanic populations in his home state of Arizona and elsewhere are listening carefully to what Republican candidates have to say on immigration and could become a "major factor" in 2012.

"I think that the Republican party has to discuss this issue in as humane way as possible," he said. He later added, "the enthusiasm on the part of Hispanics for President Obama is dramatically less than it was in 2008, because he has not fulfilled his campaign promises either. So I view the Hispanic vote up for grabs."

McCain comment, on CNN's "State of the Union," is a warning to the GOP primary candidates who have mostly embraced a hardline on immigration, lest they be accused of supporting any kind of "amnesty" for the some 12 million illegal immigrants estimated to be living in the U.S. Newt Gingrich was most recently attacked by his opponents for saying he would grant legal status to those with longstanding family and community ties; he has since endorsed a South Carolina law that allows police to demand a person's immigration status.

McCain said he believes the Hispanic vote could sway Arizona, Colorado and New Mexico. The key, he said, was for Republicans to address immigration in a humane and pragmatic way that every voter could appreciate. More specifically, McCain said, GOP presidential candidates should find a way to address the status of illegal immigrants already in the country while finding a way to secure the border to deter others from crossing the border.

"It's a careful balance of addressing this issue, which I think the majority of Hispanics would appreciate. . . . We have to have empathy. We have to have concern. We have to have a plan," he said.

In 2008, McCain watched his own standing in the election suffer when he backed a plan to give some illegal immigrants an eventual path to citizenship.

Gingrich has challenged his GOP opponents to come up with their own plans for dealing with the millions inside the U.S. illegally.

"What is it that you're going to do? Are you really going to go in and advocate ripping people out of their families?" he said.

In 2008, Mitt Romney had supported the idea of allowing some illegal immigrants to sign up for permanent residency or citizenship. More recently, he has said it would be a "mistake" for the GOP to allow anyone to "jump ahead of the line" and characterized Gingrich's approach as a "doorway" to amnesty.

In the interview Sunday, McCain declined to comment on the position of individual candidates. "I respect the views of the voters," he said.


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GOP chairman unsure what role Cain may play (AP)

WASHINGTON – The Republican Party chairman says Herman Cain provided an important voice in the presidential race, but candidates "come and go" during every primary and the field inevitably narrows.

Reince Priebus (ryns PREE'-bus) says Cain's polling numbers were falling and he was having trouble raising money, so the GOP chairman thinks it's "only natural" that the candidate pulled out about a month before the first vote.

But Priebus says the decision was up to Cain, who was battling allegations of sexual harassment and a claim that he had an extramarital affair. The Georgia businessman has denied the accusations.

Priebus says Cain might have a big role to play yet. But Priebus tells NBC's "Meet the Press" that depends on a politician having money and being to get out into the public.


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Cain suspends campaign shifting GOP race (AP)

ATLANTA – A defiant Herman Cain suspended his faltering bid for the Republican presidential nomination Saturday amid a drumbeat of sexual misconduct allegations against him, throwing his staunchly conservative supporters up for grabs with just one month to go before the lead-off caucuses in Iowa.

Cain condemned the accusations as "false and unproven" but said they had been hurtful to his family, particularly his wife, Gloria, and were drowning out his ability to deliver his message. His wife stood behind him on the stage, smiling and waving as the crowd chanted her name.

"So as of today, with a lot of prayer and soul-searching, I am suspending my presidential campaign because of the continued distractions and the continued hurt caused on me and my family," a tired-looking Cain told about 400 supporters.

Cain's announcement came five days after an Atlanta-area woman, Ginger White, claimed she and Cain had an affair for more than a decade, a claim that followed several allegations of sexual harassment against the Georgia businessman.

"Now, I have made many mistakes in life. Everybody has. I've made mistakes professionally, personally, as a candidate, in terms of how I run my campaign. And I take responsibility for the mistakes I've made, and I have been the very first to own up to any mistakes I've made," he said.

But Cain intoned: "I am at peace with my God. I am at peace with my wife. And she is at peace with me."

White's attorney said in a statement after the announcement that Cain had disparaged his client and should apologize. Cain had called her a "troubled Atlanta businesswoman" whom he had tried to help.

"We continue to encourage Mr. Cain to retract these statements and apologize for the way he has characterized these women in the media," Edward Buckley said. Cain's campaign had no immediate response.

Cain's announcement provides a new twist in what has already been a volatile Republican race. Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich has, so far, been the biggest beneficiary of Cain's precipitous slide. Polls show Gingrich and former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney atop the field in what is shaping up as a two-man race heading into early voting states.

But others, such as Texas Gov. Rick Perry and Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachmann, will likely make a strong play for Cain's anti-establishment tea party backing as they look to rise as a viable alternative to Romney, whose conservative credentials are suspect in some GOP circles.

Cain said he would offer an endorsement, and his former rivals were quick to issue statements on Saturday praising his conservative ideals and grassroots appeal.

At a tea party rally in Staten Island, Gingrich praised Cain for bringing optimism and big ideas to the race.

"He had the courage to launch the 9-9-9 plan, which, whether you liked it or disliked it, was a big idea and started to elevate the debate toward big solutions and not the usual nitpicking, consultant-driven negativity," Gingrich said. He was referring to Cain's catchy but controversial plan to scrap the current tax code for a 9 percent tax on personal and corporate income as well as a new 9 percent national sales tax.

Some disappointed Cain supporters were clearly in search of a candidate on Saturday following his withdrawal.

"I don't know where I will go now," Janet Edwards, 52, said following Cain's announcement. "I guess I have to start looking at the rest of them."

Cain told supporters he planned to continue his efforts to influence Washington and announced "Plan B" — what he called a grassroots effort to return government to the people.

"I am not going to be silenced, and I am not going away. And therefore, as of today, Plan B," he said.

Plan B includes formation of TheCainSolutions.com, which he described as a grassroots effort to bring government back to the people. It would also continue to push his signature 9-9-9 plan.

Cain's announcement was a remarkable turnabout for a man that just weeks ago vaulted out of nowhere to the top of the GOP field, propelled by a populist, outsider appeal and his tax overhaul plan.

Saturday's event was a bizarre piece of political theater even for a campaign that has seemed to thrive on defying convention.

Cain marked the end of his bid at what was supposed to be the grand opening of his new campaign headquarters in Atlanta. Minutes before he took the stage to pull the plug, aides and supporters took to the podium to urge attendees to vote for Cain and travel to early voting states to rev up support for his bid.

"Join the Cain train," David McCleary, Cain's Georgia director, urged the audience.

Volunteers had been up through the night preparing the former flooring warehouse to open as the new hub of Cain's early-state outreach.

He marveled at rising from a childhood in Atlanta marked by segregated water fountains and poverty to what he called "the final four" of the presidential contest.

The former Godfather's Pizza chief executive, who has never held elective office, rose just weeks ago to lead the Republican race. But he fumbled policy questions, leaving some to wonder whether he was ready for the presidency. Then it was revealed at the end of October that the National Restaurant Association had paid settlements to two women who claimed Cain sexually harassed them while he was president of the organization.

A third woman told The Associated Press that Cain made inappropriate sexual advances but that she didn't file a complaint. A fourth woman also stepped forward to accuse Cain of groping her in a car in 1997.

Cain has denied wrongdoing in all cases and continued to do so Saturday.

Polls suggest his popularity had suffered. A Des Moines Register poll released Friday showed Cain's support plunging, with backing from 8 percent of Republican caucus goers in Iowa, compared with 23 percent a month ago.

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Paul Ryan to endorse in GOP primaries, help replace ‘timid’ congressmen with ‘bold conservatives’ with ‘bold conservatives’ (Daily Caller)

GOP rivals hope to court Cain supporters (AP)

WASHINGTON – A day after Herman Cain shuttered his Republican candidacy for president, struggling GOP hopefuls looked to pick up the fallen candidate's tea party following and upset a primary dynamic that has pushed Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich to the forefront.

Gingrich's campaign, ramping up its operations in early nominating states, was meeting with former Cain aides and advisers now looking for jobs. While Cain's endorsement remained up for grabs, Gingrich and his rivals were looking to schedule one-on-one meetings this week with the former pizza executive.

Reps. Ron Paul of Texas and Michele Bachmann of Minnesota said Sunday they expected Cain supporters would fall in line behind them because of their messages on limited government, despite their low standing in the polls. Meanwhile, last-place rival Rick Santorum predicted he now had a good chance of winning the Iowa caucus.

While such brazen predictions are probably overstated, the 11th-hour press comes at a crucial time and could upset an already volatile race for the GOP endorsement. A month before the first vote is cast in the Iowa caucus and five weeks before the New Hampshire primary, most GOP candidates were looking to a week of heavy campaigning in Iowa ahead of the next debate, scheduled for Saturday. The stakes are possibly the highest for Mitt Romney, who could be hurt the worst if Cain supporters rally behind Gingrich.

"A lot of Herman Cain supporters have been calling our office and they've been coming over to our side," said Bachmann. "They saw Herman Cain as an outsider and I think they see that my voice would be the one that would be most reflective of his."

Likewise, Paul said he was optimistic that Cain's departure would reinvigorate his campaign.

"We're paying a lot of attention to that, because obviously they're going to go somewhere in the next week or so," Paul said of Cain's supporters.

Santorum predicted that his campaign would pick up steam in coming days.

"We have a very strong, consistent conservative message that matches up better with Iowans than anybody else. And we think we're going to surprise a lot of people," he said.

Once surging in the polls, Cain dropped out of the race Saturday after battling allegations of sexual harassment and a claim that he had a 13-year extramarital affair. The Georgia businessman has denied the accusations.

Gingrich, the former House speaker from Georgia, has so far been the biggest beneficiary of Cain's slide. A Des Moines Register poll conducted Nov. 27-30 and released late Saturday found the former House speaker leading the GOP field with 25 percent support, ahead of Paul at 18 percent and Romney at 16.

A separate NBC News/Marist poll showed Gingrich beating Romney, 26 percent to 18 percent, among Republican caucus attendees in Iowa.

Gingrich also is enjoying national popularity that could give him the momentum he needs to overcome deficiencies in the organization of his campaign. At the same time, Gingrich says he knows his surge in the polls could disappear if his opponents stage a comeback.

"I'm not going to say that any of my friends can't suddenly surprise us," Gingrich said at a recent town hall meeting in New York sponsored by tea party supporters.

Meanwhile, Romney is running strong in New Hampshire, which holds the nation's first primary on Jan. 10. Romney is also seen by most conservatives at this point as having the greatest chance of defeating President Barack Obama next year.

But Romney continues to be viewed with suspicion by many conservatives who say he has changed his stance on such critical issues as abortion and health care. Santorum acknowledged Sunday that Romney has embraced more conservative positions on issues.

"The question is, you know, what's the sincerity of the move and whether he can be trusted," said Santorum.

Bachmann said it was too soon to declare anyone a true front-runner because the dynamic in the race was constantly changing.

"We've got 30 days," she said. "That's an eternity in this race."

Reince Priebus, the Republican Party chairman, said Sunday that he was indifferent to Cain's departure and that it was "only natural" in the face of falling poll numbers and trouble raising money.

This week's agenda for the primary candidates included a stop in Arizona by Romney and a forum Wednesday by the Republican Jewish Coalition in Washington, which is expected to attract Bachmann, Gingrich, Huntsman, Perry, Romney and Santorum. Gingrich was scheduled to meet Monday with real-estate mogul Donald Trump at Trump's New York offices. Trump, who briefly entered the primary race in the spring and drew considerable publicity when he questioned the validity of Obama's birth certificate, said he would moderate a Republican presidential debate in Iowa on Dec. 27.

Paul, who has clashed publicly with Trump, said he thought the GOP was making a mistake in giving Trump so much credibility.

"I don't understand the marching to his office. I mean I didn't know that he had an ability to lay on hands, you know, and anoint people," Paul said.

Paul and Bachmann spoke on CNN's "State of the Union." Santorum spoke on ABC's "This Week." Priebus spoke on NBC's "Meet the Press."


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SC primary up for grabs, Gingrich making big play (AP)

By PHILIP ELLIOTT and JIM DAVENPORT, Associated Press Philip Elliott And Jim Davenport, Associated Press – Mon Dec 5, 3:33 am ET

NEWBERRY, S.C. – For three decades, the Republican who won South Carolina's presidential primary has also won the GOP nomination.

That record helps explain why Newt Gingrich, a self-described lover of history, is working more aggressively than any of his competitors to organize activists and volunteers ahead of the Jan. 21 primary, essentially pinning his candidacy on a state filled with Christian conservatives.

His chief rival, Mitt Romney, is approaching South Carolina tentatively. He invested huge sums in the state in the 2008 presidential race only to bail just days before the vote when it became clear he would lose big to Arizona Sen. John McCain. Many voters couldn't overlook their skepticism of Romney's Mormon faith and his reversals on some cultural issues.

The others in the 2012 race are treating South Carolina as an afterthought while they bank their candidacies on one of the two states that vote first, Iowa and New Hampshire.

Enter Gingrich, who's enjoying a burst of momentum after a summer campaign meltdown.

"I do believe South Carolina will be the decisive primary," the former House speaker from Georgia told Republicans who packed a theater in Newberry last week. "If we win here, I believe I will be the nominee."

But victory in the state won't come easy for the thrice-married Gingrich.

He has acknowledged having an extramarital affair, an issue that may turn off Christian conservatives who hold great sway in South Carolina. Gingrich, a recent convert to Catholicism, frequently makes a point of talking about his close partnership with third wife Callista.

He has advocated a "humane" approach to immigration that would let longtime residents work toward citizenship. Critics have labeled that as "amnesty" for millions of foreigners who are illegally in the United States, and that's another potent issue in the state.

Winning in South Carolina would be even more difficult if he were to come in with a 0-2 record, losing in both Iowa and New Hampshire.

Perhaps for all those reasons, if not in spite of them, Gingrich is building the largest presidential organization in the state. He's sinking more into South Carolina than he has in any other early voting state as he seeks to capitalize on his rebound after a troubled campaign start when virtually his entire staff quit.

He has opened five offices and hired nine people, the most of any of the Republicans.

In early nominating states like South Carolina, Gingrich's campaign was meeting with former aides and advisers to Herman Cain, who dropped out of the GOP race Saturday. While Cain's endorsement remains up for grabs, Gingrich and his rivals were looking to schedule one-on-one meetings this week with the former pizza executive.

South Carolina voters are starting to notice Gingrich, and at least some like what they see.

Virginia Coker of Hartsville attended a town hall-style meeting Wednesday night at the Newberry Opera House that doubled as a fundraiser for the state party. She was hardly a fan before Gingrich took the stage and answered more than a dozen questions from the party faithful. She left a convert.

"He's going to be the nominee," Coker predicted.

Romney, a former Massachusetts governor in his second presidential bid, is working quietly to build an organization in the state. He hasn't visited much and has only three paid workers in South Carolina. But Romney has done the groundwork for a campaign that could quickly be up and running if he chooses to compete in the state. Unlike Gingrich, Romney has millions in the bank to start airing television ads that could affect the race.

Texas Gov. Rick Perry and Rep. Ron Paul of Texas are the only candidates who have aired television ads in the state, though that was expected to change in the coming weeks.

GOP activists have yet to fall in line behind a single candidate, giving hope to candidates languishing at the back of the pack, such as Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachmann and former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum.

Bachmann has a lean operation and is keeping much of her focus on Iowa. She could tap into a network of evangelical Christians, if she performs well in Iowa first.

To some, Santorum appears to be the candidate most likely to engineer a surprise.

"Crisis pregnancy centers are strongly behind Senator Santorum," said Karen Floyd, a former South Carolina GOP chairwoman, noting this powerful and wide network of anti-abortion voters who show up on Election Day.

Alexia Newman, who runs a Spartanburg pregnancy center, has been rounding up Santorum support for months because of his strong conservative positions on social issues, even though the economy is taking center stage in the race.

"There's really only one or two candidates really bringing up the debate," Newman said.

Still, the hurdles are high for those candidates.

Consider that conservative Christians who talk kindly of Santorum also finish their sentences with doubt about his ability to capture the nomination.

"There's probably as much of a chance of the Rapture happening by election time as there is for Rick to win the nomination," said Harry Kibler an activist who runs RINO Hunt, a group that criticizes "Republicans in Name Only."

As for Gingrich, the next two months will tell whether he can overcome his hurdles — and make history himself.

___

Davenport reported from Columbia.


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Monday, December 5, 2011

Obama defends American faith amid GOP critique (AP)

WASHINGTON – Republican Mitt Romney accuses President Barack Obama of considering America "just another nation." To other GOP politicians running for the White House, Obama has apologized for the United States and is presiding over the nation's decline.

Now comes the counteroffensive.

The president of the United States is defending his faith in America, confronting GOP efforts to undercut his leadership and raise questions about his patriotism as he seeks re-election.

In the battle over "American exceptionalism," Obama used a recent trip to Asia to highlight America's role as the strongest and most influential nation on earth. In this election season, responding to the Republican critique is essential for Obama, the only incumbent ever compelled to show a birth certificate to defend his legitimacy.

"Sometimes the pundits and the newspapers and the TV commentators love to talk about how America is slipping and America is in decline," Obama said Wednesday at a New York fundraiser. "That's not what you feel when you're in Asia. They're looking to us for leadership. They know that America is great not just because we're powerful, but also because we have a set of values that the world admires."

"We don't just think about what's good for us, but we're also thinking about what's good for the world," he said. "That's what makes us special. That's what makes us exceptional."

Republicans have seized on "American exceptionalism," a belief among many in the nation that the U.S. is special among global powers, and tried to portray Obama as expressing ambivalence about the promise of his own country. The message resounds with party activists who still admire President Ronald Reagan, who memorialized America as that "Shining City on a Hill" during the 1980s.

"We have a president right now who thinks America's just another nation. America is an exceptional nation," Romney, a former Massachusetts governor, said during a GOP debate in Las Vegas last month. Even his campaign slogan — "Believe in America" — suggests that the current president doesn't.

Others have tried to use it to their advantage.

Texas Gov. Rick Perry, in an interview with Fox News' Bill O'Reilly last month, said Obama had "traveled around the country making excuses for America, apologizing for America, saying that America is not an exemplary country."

Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich criticized Obama after 16 Latin American and Caribbean nations filed "friend of the court" briefs in a Justice Department lawsuit against a tough new immigration law in South Carolina, home to an important GOP primary. "It makes you wonder what country does President Obama think he is president of," Gingrich said.

Obama has given detractors ample material for their attacks.

At a San Francisco fundraiser in October, the president talked about the importance of investing in education, new roads and bridges and other ways to build the economy.

"We used to have the best stuff. Anybody been to Beijing Airport lately?" Obama said, asking what has changed. "Well, we've lost our ambition, our imagination, and our willingness to do the things that built the Golden Gate Bridge and Hoover Dam." Republicans picked up on the comments, accusing Obama of calling Americans unambitious.

During a meeting with business executives in Honolulu last month, Obama was asked about impediments to investment in the U.S. He said many foreign investors see opportunity here, "but we've been a little bit lazy, I think over the last couple of decades." The "lazy" comments were quickly turned into an attack ad from Perry.

During a 2009 news conference, Obama was asked whether he subscribed to the concept of American exceptionalism. He said he believed in American exceptionalism, "just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism."

The president said he was "enormously proud of my country" and highlighted the nation's "core set of values enshrined in our Constitution" that ensure democracy, free speech and equality. Words that voters are likely to hear more of during the next year.

A Gallup poll in December 2010 found that 80 percent of Americans thought the U.S. had a unique character that made it the greatest country in the world. The survey found that 91 percent of Republicans agreed with the statement.

In the same poll, 34 percent of Republicans said Obama believed the U.S. was the greatest country in the world, while 83 percent of Democrats said he did.

The American exceptionalism argument has traditionally signaled U.S. strength overseas and the promotion of American values such as freedom of speech and religion. But with Obama's rise, it has taken on a new meaning.

At a time of economic discord, it builds on the notion that America's weakened economy could hurt its standing across the globe. It offers a critique of Obama's foreign policy credentials, even as troops begin heading home from Iraq and the U.S. role in Afghanistan is transitioning.

It also represents a subtle way to question Obama's patriotism, the seeds of which reside in the "birther" movement that questioned the legitimacy of Obama's presidency. Suspicions over Obama's citizenship eventually prompted the White House to produce the president's long-form birth certificate showing he was born in Hawaii.

Yet Democrats don't see this as a debilitating issue for the president, but more a matter of fodder in the Republican primary. Obama, they say, can draw upon it to show optimism in the country.

"Obama is powerful proof of American exceptionalism, that this country has certain set of ideals," said Democratic consultant Bob Shrum. "His election and his presidency is a testament to the character of the country."

Obama has been assertive in recent weeks about America's unique role in the world as it shifts away from conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. During his nine-day Asian trip last month, the president reiterated the U.S.'s growing role in the region and stressed that "American leadership is still welcome."

___

Follow Ken Thomas on Twitter at http://twitter.com/AP_Ken_Thomas


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How Scandal Brought Down Cain's Campaign (ContributorNetwork)

In a Public Policy Polling poll released on Oct. 12, Herman Cain was atop the GOP presidential primary heap, leading former Gov. Mitt Romney by 30 percent to 22 percent. Then, beginning on Halloween, his campaign was rocked by scandal. In just one month, Cain came crashing back to earth. Five women made similar claims of sexually inappropriate behavior toward them, forcing Cain to suspend his campaign for president, according to The Ticket. The following timeline outlines the scandal from beginning to inglorious end:

Oct. 31: Politico reports that two women accused Cain of "sexually suggestive behavior" while working with him in the 1990s at the National Restaurant Association. Both women received financial settlements in exchange for leaving the association. The agreements included barring the two women from disclosing anything about the accusations in the future.

Nov. 2: Cain accuses the Gov. Rick Perry campaign of "orchestrating a smear campaign" against him. A Perry spokesman denies the charge.

Nov. 3: A third woman accuses Cain of "sexual suggestive remarks and gestures" during his time as head of the NRA. She chooses to remain anonymous.

Nov. 7: Sharon Bialek publicly accuses Cain of trying to get sexual favors from her in exchange for help finding a job. Bialek said that, while sitting in a car after she asked him for help, Cain tried to put his hand in her crotch, saying, "You want a job, right?"

Nov. 8: Karen Krushaar goes public as one of the women in the initial report after her name was leaked into the public sphere. In an interview with the New York Times, she explained why she initially stayed anonymous. "When you are being sexually harassed in the workplace, you are extremely vulnerable," Krushaar said. "You do whatever you can to quickly get yourself into a job some place safe and that is what I thought I had achieved when I left."

Nov. 14: Gloria Cain defends her husband on Fox News. "I know that's not the person he is. He totally respects women."

Nov. 28: Ginger White, in an exclusive interview with the Atlanta affiliate of Fox News, claims to have carried on a 13-year affair with Cain. She further claims to have telephone records backing up her statement.

Dec. 2: Cain's poll numbers among likely Republican voters in Iowa sink back into the single digits.

Dec. 3: After a few days to "reassess" his campaign, Cain announces he is suspending his campaign for the GOP Presidential nomination.


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Ron Paul blasts Donald Trump: ‘I didn’t know that he had an ability to … anoint people’ (Daily Caller)

Donald Trump’s attempt to re-enter the Republican presidential nomination contest — not as a candidate but this time as a kingmaker — seems to be wearing on the pundit class, and has also rankled Ron Paul. The GOP Texas congressman told CNN’s Candy Crowley on Sunday’s “State of the Union” that a Trump-moderated debate would hurt the brand of the Republican Party.

“One of the concerns that I had was really how he was treating the Republican Party of Iowa,” Paul said. “And he didn’t treat them well because he had agreed to come to their biggest fundraiser of the year because he was talking about running. When he changed his mind about not running he canceled on them. They had to cancel the event. And that was a bit of an insult to them.”

Paul also claims he has picked up the support of many of Trump’s early supporters in the Hawkeye State.

“I’ve gotten a lot of good favorable responses from the people of Iowa, even the people in the party that appreciated the fact that I mentioned, that because they were very unhappy with the way he treated them by just stiffing them and walking away from it — and they were left holding the bag,” he added.

Watch:

Predictably, Paul took issue with Trump’s position on the Federal Reserve, suggesting that its abolition would hurt Trump’s financial empire. And he questioned the “Apprentice” star’s assumed kingmaker role.

“I don’t quite understand it,” he said. “I don’t understand the marching to his office. I mean I didn’t know that he had an ability to lay on hands, you know, and anoint people. … He probably doesn’t like my position on the Federal Reserve. You know, easy credit for developers and investors. You know, they like easy credit and they like the Federal Reserve and they like that for bailing out.”

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Caincluded


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Who Benefits From Herman Cain Suspending Campaign? (ContributorNetwork)

COMMENTARY | Herman Cain put the Republican National Committee on its heels with his 9-9-9 tax plan and his message of reforming the political machine in Washington. Now with Cain's announcement to suspend his Republican nomination bid, reported by the Atlanta Journal-Constitutional, which candidate will benefit from his removal from the process?

Many political pundits are saying Newt Gingrich will benefit the most. Other supposed experts say Mitt Romney will become the clear leader in the polls. One question for Cain supporters should steer them clear of Romney and Gingrich: tax reform.

Cain's campaign became so popular based on two important factors: His ability to speak and motivate crowds, and his tax reform platform. Cain vows to keep tax reform top of mind through a new website name that will replace his presidential campaign website.

Now the key for Cain is his political clout. Will Republican presidential hopefuls be actively seeking his support? Will Cain's endorsement have a negative impact? Overnight Cain has become a political power instead of a fading presidential candidate. His impact on the next man or woman to sit in the Oval Office is real.

The candidate who wants Cain supporters will have to take an aggressive stance on tax reform. The tax reform platform of Cain garnered attention from Democrats and Republicans and even if a candidate does not adopt the 9-9-9 plan, a flat tax or dramatic across the board tax will attract Cain supporters.

Michele Bachmann and Rick Perry have discussed the fair tax, which is the across the board flat rate at a rate of 10 percent, but Gingrich and Romney have avoided the tax reform discussion while appeasing the Republican establishment.

The candidate who takes up tax reform in earnest will jump through the roof in the polls but will either Romney or Gingrich take that chance? The answer is no and this is why the Republican elite is no better than President Barack Obama. If tax reform dies with the Cain candidacy the U.S. will be bankrupt in the near future.


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